The term “grassroots” frequently emerges as a descriptor for young internet users and their online practices. Photo: TUCHONG

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Over the past three decades, internet buzzwords have gradually become a prominent phenomenon in communication, emerging as a regular topic of academic research and discussion. One theoretical approach links these buzzwords to the social mindset of young people. Since internet access became widely available in China, youth have constituted the primary demographic of internet users. Many of the internet buzzwords created or disseminated by this group ultimately enter daily public discourse, essentially making them a “social barometer” that reflects the ideologies, social mindsets, values, and identities of contemporary youth. The evolution of these buzzwords is also seen as a significant indicator of shifts in youth mentalities. 

However, there exists a certain discrepancy between the actual usage of internet buzzwords by young people and the interpretations that researchers assign to them. This article reflects on the current research regarding the representation of internet buzzwords by examining their diachronic evolution and connections to studies on Chinese youth. As internet buzzwords have become increasingly embedded in everyday social life, they have attracted interpretations from researchers across various disciplines. Among existing Chinese-language studies, scholars most frequently draw on theoretical frameworks such as memetics, identity theory, and subculture theory. The former focuses on the dissemination mechanisms of internet buzzwords, while the latter two aim to elucidate the social mindset of those who use and propagate them. 

‘Grassroots’ online youth 

Current studies have mapped the dissemination of internet buzzwords, seeking to expand explanations of their generation mechanisms—from linguistic structures and communicative potential to the broader social context of youth discourse practices. Researchers aim to discern contemporary social changes and glimpse the contours of future societies through this lens, with internet buzzwords serving as a key observation window. However, this focus has led many studies to rely on speculative assumptions about online youth, shaped by the researchers’ concerns and perspectives. 

Despite the diversity of theoretical resources employed in existing studies, the term “grassroots” frequently emerges as a descriptor for young internet users and their online practices. This rhetoric partially reconciles the concept of “resistance” in subculture theory with the “fragmentation” and “individualization” emphasized in the post-subculture theoretical turn. Within this framework, the internet is often portrayed as the primary arena where “grassroots” youth challenge power, knowledge, and commercial elites. 

Internet buzzwords are interpreted as emblematic of the rise of “grassroots” culture, functioning as a discursive tool for youth to engage in power dynamics. They are seen as effectively resisting and deconstructing elite culture, thereby challenging authoritative discourse and undermining the dominance and superiority of mainstream culture. Through identity differentiation and collective identification, these young individuals are also believed to construct a binary discourse of “mainstream vs. grassroots,” shaping a dichotomous narrative. 

Evolution of ‘grassroots’ imagination 

The rhetoric of “grassroots” portrays online youth as a dispersed yet unified entity, revealing a sense of collective power. More specifically, “grassroots” youth refers to groups with the willingness and ability to foster public engagement. However, as internet access proliferated across China, the characteristics of individuals within these so-called “grassroots” groups have continuously evolved.

 

In the early stages of China’s internet development, bulletin board systems (BBS), as a bottom-up technology, were imbued with the romanticized narrative of a “grassroots rise.” In reality, however, early internet users exhibited distinct elite characteristics. As the internet rapidly expanded, this “grassroots” user base shifted from its elite-driven starting point to a more mass-oriented demographic. 

Today, a large number of users from small towns and rural areas have transformed the cultural forms of China’s internet, reshaping its cultural atmosphere. The “earthy” videos and spectacular rural narratives that frequently attract social attention on short video platforms like Kuaishou and Douyin are typical examples. The so-called “grassroots” internet users are, in fact, a heterogeneous group. 

Many studies on internet buzzwords imagine “grassroots” internet users as an elite-like youth group, overlooking the structural changes within the group. Over time, elite “grassroots” users have evolved into mass “grassroots” users. With the advancement of digital technologies and changes in the degree to which these users access and engage with the internet, cultural practices on the internet have grown increasingly complex. 

This complexity, including phenomena such as internet buzzwords, makes it difficult to sketch any unified identity or meaning. In recent years, academic descriptions of internet cultural styles have begun to shift toward focusing on the fluidity of individual identities among various niche entertainment groups. Concepts like “neo-tribes” and “interest-based groups” highlight, from a contrasting perspective, the heterogeneity and diversity of current online practices. 

‘Myth’ nature 

This article argues that the notion of “grassroots” internet users as a holistic and implicit knowledge system is, in fact, a “myth” constructed during the accumulation of knowledge on Chinese internet buzzwords and culture. Aligning with certain studies that perpetuate this “grassroots myth,” many researchers tend to focus on uncovering the public aspects reflected in the use or dissemination of internet buzzwords, often downplaying the significance of their widespread usage for entertainment and social interaction. 

Entertainment and social purposes are frequently regarded as shallow uses of internet buzzwords, a perspective evident in the structure of many academic papers. Such papers typically begin by describing the entertainment and social functions of buzzwords before delving into their roles in public discourse or as representations of youth mentality, thereby “elevating” the discussion. However, the popularity of buzzwords is primarily driven by the large-scale use of these so-called “shallow” meanings, a process that does not necessarily reveal the public discourse researchers seek to highlight. This suggests that the use and dissemination of internet buzzwords are often overinterpreted. 

If we examine the top ten internet buzzwords selected annually by media or platforms over the past two decades, we can see that entertainment-oriented phrases have never been absent and frequently dominate the lists. For instance, internet parody, while effective in deconstructing authority and reflecting a vivid sense of reality, primarily offers the immediate gratification of deconstruction and destruction. The creation, sharing, and consumption of parody buzzwords primarily satisfy a physiological need for stimulation. However, such deconstruction rarely evolves into to substantive public discussions, often leading instead to a postmodern void of nihilism. Even when buzzwords initially carry some public significance, they are often appropriated by commercial culture and infused with entertainment elements. 

It is also essential to note that internet buzzwords reflect not only societal culture, but more fundamentally, the characteristics of communication among netizens. From the perspective of self-expression or interpersonal communication, internet buzzwords possess practical value in facilitating self-expression and social interaction. This functional role underscores the typical contexts in which buzzwords are used. By fostering a relaxed and personalized atmosphere, they align with the spirit of entertainment while also enhancing social connectivity and promoting group inclusion. 

Hint of public significance 

In the study of internet buzzwords, certain dissemination practices by online youth have been imbued with considerable public significance, leading to a representation of the social mentality of the entire youth demographic. In reality, however, most online youth are more closely aligned with the entertainment or social “shallow meanings” of buzzwords in their use or dissemination. While internet buzzwords do have a public dimension, this aspect has disproportionately attracted scholarly attention, creating an imbalanced representation of youth social mentality. As a result, internet buzzwords have been overly constructed as a form of public discourse, showing a tendency toward “mythologization.” Interpreting youth mentality through these “mythologized” buzzwords perpetuates a mentality myth imbued with public concern, continuing the narrative of a “grassroots myth.” 

Since their inception, Chinese internet buzzwords have primarily exhibited entertainment-oriented characteristics and thrived in social interactions. The history of these buzzwords—and by extension, Chinese internet culture—should be understood as a history of entertainment and socialization. This perspective calls for a cautious evaluation of the public potential of internet buzzwords. If we understand these expressions solely as vehicles of public significance, we risk overlooking their foundational roles in providing enjoyment and facilitating interpersonal connections. 

Domestic studies on internet buzzwords have drawn on various theories, such as memetics, identity theory, and subculture theory, as mentioned above. These studies have sought to expand explanations of buzzword generation mechanisms from linguistic composition and dissemination potential to the broader social context of youth discourse practices. Many emphasize the academic imagination of “grassroots” netizens and their “resistant discourses.” In this portrayal, “grassroots” netizens are idealized as a group capable of promoting public discourse. However, such portrayals often overlook the long-term structural changes within the netizen community itself. 

The “grassroots” netizen, as a holistic concept, represents a myth constructed through the accumulation of knowledge in the study of Chinese internet buzzwords and internet culture. The imagination of “grassroots” and “resistant discourse” reflects the cultural stance of researchers, rather than the lived experiences of netizens themselves. Correspondingly, internet buzzwords are often overly constructed as a form of public discourse, with their usage or dissemination interpreted as public communication. This over-construction attributes excessive public significance to certain practices, representing the social mentality of the youth demographic in ways that may not align with reality. Netizens, as users of internet buzzwords, are not necessarily active producers of public meaning; instead, researchers may imbue these expressions with public significance in the process of academic knowledge production. 

The reality is that “grassroots” netizens are diverse, vibrant individuals primarily engaging in entertainment and self-amusement in their daily lives. The main functions of internet buzzwords lie in entertainment, self-expression, and social interaction. While the public dimension of buzzwords remains, previous research highlighting its immense potential should be balanced with an acknowledgment of the mundane and personal aspects of these practices. For the continued study of internet buzzwords to remain meaningful, it must be grounded in a framework free from mythologization. Without critically reflecting on the “grassroots” rhetoric, we risk exaggerating its reliance on established narratives and moving further away from the dynamic and multifaceted practices of Chinese netizens. 

Zhou Ruiming and Chen Di are from the College of Media and International Culture at Zhejiang University. 

Edited by WANG YOURAN