A road lined by a forest in Benxi, Liaoning Province Photo: Lin Lin/PROVIDED TO CSST
In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic swept the world, and worsened the already strained global climate governance. It pushed people to reflect on their relationships with nature, bringing expanded attention to future governance on climate change.
Determined moves
In Sep. 2020, Chinese President Xi Jinping addressed the UN Biodiveristy Summit, addressing that “China will adopt even more forceful policies and measures and strive to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060, thus making greater efforts and contributions toward meeting the objectives of the Paris Agreement.”
China has unveiled concrete plans to pursue this pledge, including lowering carbon dioxide emissions per unit of GDP by over 65% from the 2005 level by 2030, boosting the share of non-fossil fuels in primary energy consumption to around 25% by 2030, increasing the country’s forest stock volume by 6 billion cubic meters by 2030 compared to the 2005 levels.
These moves have amplified China’s voice on the global stage, serving global climate governance amid the pandemic. Furthermore, the steps help to boost the world’s confidence that nations will join hands and forge a new pattern for global climate mitigation.
Global governance refers to the international cooperation carried out by the international community in response to global challenges. To a certain extent it is restricted by the international landscape. Hence, the international structure’s power relations will determine global governance’s dominant norms and the distribution of benefits. Actors in a dominant position often introduce their value norms into global governance, setting multiple global governance rules on this basis, and ultimately deciding on the distribution of benefits. However, the collective rise in emerging economies, represented by the BRICS member states, has instigated a transformation of the international structure and has become one of the major developments in international politics since the end of the Cold War. The unique cultural attributes of the BRICS countries have added more diversity to global governance.
Among these options, China has put forward the concept of a community of shared future for mankind and a global governance concept that features extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits. It proactively participates in and initiates reform of the contemporary global governance system. Regarding global climate governance, the concept of a community of shared future for mankind means treating mankind as a whole rather than billions of individuals. Only when mankind—as a whole—is free from the disaster of climate change, can individuals survive.
Upheld principles
In global climate governance, China opposes placing any country’s interests above mankind’s overall interests. It calls for all countries to consciously fulfill the obligations of the Paris Agreement, and capable countries and actors to provide their best assistance and help weak and small countries improve their abilities to adapt to climate change.
Guided by the concept of a community of shared future for mankind, China is actively tackling global challenges and participating in reform of the global governance system. With an increase in the number of global challenges and acceleration of climate change, reform of the global governance system is inevitable. Issues are not only related to responding to a wide range of global challenges, but also concern legal regulations on an international scale, as well as countries’ positions and roles in long-term institutional arrangements.
The situation is multifaceted, but two facets stand out. In the 21st century, growing global challenges have called for a more effective global governance system. Also, the global governance system’s traditional pattern, which was dominated by developed countries, has exposed many shortcomings when it comes to coping with global challenges. New global governance norms should supplement those we currently have in place.
The EU and the United States dominate discourse on the current global climate governance system, but they both fail to consider developing countries’ interests in addressing climate change. They have yet to fulfill their roles: securing climate funding and technical assistance, allocating emission reduction obligations, and supporting climate change adaptation capabilities. Presently, global climate governance fails in being adequately inclusive, offering benefits, and operating with efficiency.
Suggested measures
In this context, China’s high-quality development strategy and green development concepts will help reform the global climate governance system towards a model which is more inclusive, beneficial, and efficient. The suggested measures are as follows.
First, China itself should better integrate low-carbon reforms targeting domestic supply-side and demand-side low-carbon reforms. Under the green development concept, China will invest more in research and development of new energy technologies, such as new energy vehicles, carbon capture and storage, low-carbon materials, and clean coal, particularly in core low-carbon technologies with independent intellectual property. Green development promotion and application work should gain pace.
Meanwhile, the demand side should also undergo reforms. The development of public awareness toward a low-carbon life will raise the demand for relevant products regarding traffic, building construction, material, and diet, creating immense development room for the low-carbon economy at home and abroad. Therefore, both demand and supply should lay a solid foundation for a better approach to global climate governance obligations.
Second, climate change aids under the multilateral system have added another emphasis. Mitigation, adaptation, funding, and technology are the “four wheels” of global climate governance, among which adaptation to climate change was left marginalized for years. Greater extreme weather frequency indicates that climate change is not a distant future, but an ongoing reality. Countries and regions vulnerable to climate change, such as small island countries, least developed countries, and polar regions, already face the challenge of adapting to natural environmental changes brought about by climate change and frequent extreme weather. To this end, China will provide more assistance to support these countries and regions under the multilateral system, and mobilize more capable countries and international organizations to join the efforts to improve climate-change vulnerable countries’ abilities to adapt to climate change in terms of territory, industry, living environments and national governance. In this way, more countries and regions can share the fruits of global climate governance.
Third, trilateral climate cooperation between China, the United States, and Europe should be further coordinated. Presently, the three major international political actors have all made climate change a priority in their internal and diplomatic affairs. Upholding the concept of a community of shared future for mankind, China should form climate change partnerships with Europe and the United States, including low-carbon technology cooperation involving enterprises, universities, and research institutes, low-carbon industry trade and investment cooperation, extreme weather warning, and disaster relief cooperation. Meanwhile, countries should adhere to the principle of inclusiveness, as developed and developing countries work on plans together and formulate rules for global climate governance.
China has promised the world that it will make greater contributions to global solutions for climate change. In the new era, China’s internal and external climate policies are an important component of its national governance strategy. They are tasked with achieving high-quality domestic development and building a community of shared future for mankind. China will more strenuously participate in global climate governance and fuel collective efforts to mitigate climate change across the globe.
Kang Xiao is an associate professor from the School of International Relations and Diplomacy at Beijing Foreign Studies University.
Edited by MA YUHONG