The coexistence and co-evolution of high- and low-arousal positive emotions reflect the Chinese people’s need to navigate a rapidly developing society. Photo: TUCHONG

Ideal emotion refers to the emotions people imagine they will experience in their ideal state or hope to one day feel, reflecting their emotional aspirations. Like actual emotions, ideal emotions can be categorized in several ways. Ideal emotions can be divided into eight categories based on emotional valence and arousal levels: high-arousal emotions, high-arousal positive emotions, high-arousal negative emotions, low-arousal emotions, low-arousal positive emotions, low-arousal negative emotions, general positive emotions, and general negative emotions. Each category includes specific emotions. While ideal emotions can vary in valence, most people aspire toward positive ideal emotions, with past research focusing on the distinction between high-arousal and low-arousal positive emotions. 

Characteristics of ideal emotions 

Ideal emotions play an important adaptive role in any society. As an emotional goal, ideal emotions significantly impact human psychology and behavior. On an individual level, ideal emotions influence everything from the choice of leisure activities, to parenting styles, information production and dissemination, and even resource allocation. Studies have also found that alignment between an individual’s ideal and their actual emotions can enhance psychological well-being. In addition, the shared alignment of ideal emotions between individuals is important for social cohesion. Extant literature shows that the match between a job seeker’s and an employer’s ideal emotions can affect the interview process and outcomes, while alignment between a doctor’s and a patient’s ideal emotions can influence patient recovery. 

Ideal emotions are entwined with culture and cultural values are both a wellspring for, and reflection of, ideal emotions. Culture shapes individual values, influencing people’s preferences for specific emotional states. This ultimately leads to differences in ideal emotions and related practices across cultures. One classic finding in this field of study is that Chinese people, who favor collectivism and conservative values, prefer low-arousal positive emotions, while Americans, who emphasize individualism, self-improvement, and openness, prefer high-arousal positive emotions. This contrast is evident in behavioral differences. Cultural differences linked to ideal emotions not only reflect cultural values but also serve as a direct source of cultural behavioral differences. 

How ideal emotions evolve in China 

In recent decades, several studies have explored changes to Chinese people’s emotions alongside China’s social evolution, but these studies have only examined actual emotional shifts, leaving changes to the emotional ideal unexamined. This study thus aims to explore changes in ideal emotions in China over recent decades. 

In psychology, social change research commonly uses three correlational designs: temporal comparisons, intergenerational comparisons, and regional comparisons. Each approach has unique strengths and limitations, and ideally, all three would be applied to investigate the same question. At the same time, in measuring the psychological perceptions of cultural shifts, two perspectives are used: inter-subjective or perceptions of others’ emotions; and intra-subjective, which analyzes one’s own emotional state. 

Using this methodology, this research project conducted three distinct studies to reveal shifting trends in ideal emotions since China’s reform and opening up. Then, possible underlying explanations were theoretically analyzed. As ideal emotions are predominantly positive, this study focused on changes in preferences for three types of positive ideal emotions: high-arousal positive emotions, low-arousal positive emotions, and general positive emotions. 

Three studies 

The first study used a retrospective temporal comparison approach, asking older participants to evaluate the ideal emotions desired by Chinese people in the early 1980s, early 2000s, and around 2020, to reveal trends in changes to the Chinese positive ideal emotions. The second study surveyed young adult participants, who evaluated the ideal emotions of their grandparents, parents, and their own generation, revealing generational differences in ideal positive emotions as perceived by young people. Study number three used a large cross-sectional survey sample to indirectly explore changes to ideal positive emotions by examining urban-rural differences, based on the logic of cross-sectional historical reconstruction. 

Previous research suggests that individuals who grow up in individualistic cultures tend to prefer high-arousal positive emotions, while those from collectivist cultures prefer low-arousal positive emotions. When discussing general positive emotions, no differences exist between the two cultural types. A substantial body of research has already mapped the cultural and psychological transformation driven by intense social changes in China. It is widely agreed-upon that individualism has been rising in China, while collectivism has been declining. Extending the organic relationship between cultural values and ideal emotions, we hypothesized that over recent decades, Chinese preferences for high-arousal positive emotions would increase, preferences for low-arousal positive emotions would decrease, and preferences for general positive emotions would remain stable. 

However, results from our first study revealed that from the early 1980s to around 2020, preferences for all three types of positive ideal emotions among Chinese people have increased. Increases in preferences for high- and low-arousal positive emotions occurred simultaneously in the 1980s, and this continued to the early 2000s, with no significant changes to the trajectory over the past 20 years. Preferences for general positive emotions increased after 2000. 

The second study revealed that compared to their grandparents, the younger generation exhibits a higher preference for all positive emotions, consistent with the findings from our first study. 

Study number three showed that urban participants prefer positive ideal emotions more than rural participants, suggesting that urbanization—a major feature of China’s social change—has heightened the preference for positive ideal emotions. Furthermore, modernization has a strong correlation to the preference for positive ideal emotions in China. 

Together, all three studies had consistent results: Chinese preferences for the three types of positive ideal emotions have significantly increased in recent decades. 

Possible explanations 

How can we interpret these findings? The growing preference for high-arousal positive emotions in China aligns with recent decades’ rise in individualism. Positive ideal emotions associated with individualism tend to be high-arousal, so the increase in individualism naturally is linked to the popularity of high-arousal ideal emotions. In reality, this preference also corresponds to the practical need for Chinese people to adapt to the nation’s rapid social development, as high-arousal positive emotions encourage individuals to actively influence rather than quietly adapt to their environment. This, in turn, inspires individuals to acquire new knowledge, accumulate new experiences, and build new relationships in an increasingly competitive society, helping people realize their self-worth amid the wave of reform and opening up. 

Meanwhile, we anticipated a decrease in preference for low-arousal positive emotions, yet all three studies found an upward momentum. Western theories on ideal emotions and cross-cultural psychology typically assume a mutual exclusivity between high- and low-arousal positive emotions, thus the field of psychology offers no precedent to explain their simultaneous increase. 

However, the simultaneous rise of these two types of emotions in China is entirely plausible. First, this coexistence aligns well with China’s traditional culture of naive dialecticism. From this theoretical perspective, any two opposing forces not only coexist in the real world but also reinforce each other. In a sense, the coexistence and mutual influence of low-arousal and high-arousal positive emotions is a clear manifestation of China’s dialectical culture. 

Second, from an empirical perspective, our study found a significant positive correlation between preferences for low-arousal and high-arousal positive emotions at the individual level, providing empirical support for their coexistence and interdependence. 

Finally, from a practical perspective, the increased preference for low-arousal positive emotions among Chinese people may also reflect a response to current needs, as low-arousal positive emotions help individuals maintain an inner calm and resilient mental health in an increasingly competitive society.

Conclusion 

In short, while the increase in low-arousal positive emotion preferences contrasts with our initial hypothesis, it aligns with the unique historical and cultural context of China. 

Our study found that preferences for general positive emotions are also on the rise among Chinese people. Although this finding was unexpected, it is understandable. First, the hypothesis that preferences for general positive emotions would remain unchanged was based on previous findings suggesting that such preferences are not culturally dependent. However, while preferences for general positive emotions may not vary with cultural shifts, this does not mean they are immune to other social changes. For instance, as material well-being continues to improve, the desire and pursuit of positive psychological experiences among Chinese people could very well increase. 

Second, this finding aligns with other related studies. Research on changes in happiness among Chinese people indicates a significant upward trend over the past 30 years, especially since 2000. Other studies have shown an increase in positive emotions among Chinese people since 2000, mainly involving experienced positive emotions. Given that ideal emotions often shape and guide actual emotional experiences, the rise in actual positive emotional experiences also suggests a growing preference for general positive emotions among Chinese people. 

In conclusion, the main findings of the three studies are understandable within the Chinese context. The coexistence and co-evolution of high- and low-arousal positive emotions align with China’s dialectical cultural philosophy and reflect the need to navigate a rapidly developing society that balances a pursuit of well-being with adaptation to an increasingly competitive environment. 

Zhang Mingyang et. al are from the School of Journalism and Communication at Tsinghua University. 

Edited by YANG XUE